The peaceful transition of power is the cornerstone of democracy. The integrated notion that giving up power willingly in response to the votes of the people is as important—actually more important in preserving democracy—than gaining power. Holding onto power rather than relinquishing it when the people have spoken changes our form of government in that single act—in a single second—from democracy to dictatorship.
Washington foresaw both the importance of the peaceful transition and the ease with which it could be breached. In his 1796 farewell address, he said, “The unity of government which constitutes you one people is … a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But … much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed.”
That is, Washington feared factions. He saw avoiding political parties as one way to avoid factions and thereby avoid a threat to liberty. He saw factions inevitably turn to violence to assert their will. Were he to walk among us today—he would nod in recognition of his greatest fear realized.
George Washington and James Madison anticipated January 6. In the Federalist Papers (#10, 1787), Madison called it “the mischiefs of faction.” When factions turn to violence, Madison did not so much tell us what to do as he walked through a logical consideration of the possibilities.
Madison suggested, “There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.”
He concluded, “it can be said of the first remedy, that it was worse than the disease … The second expedient is as impracticable as the first would be unwise …
“Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.” In other words, to remove liberty to control a faction is to kill democracy in the act of trying to protect it.
He did have a place where his hope rested, “a large republic will help control factions because when more representatives are elected, there will be a greater number of opinions. Therefore, it is far less likely that there will be one majority oppressing the rest of the people.”
Maddison added, that is, of course, “As long as the connection subsists between reason and opinions…”
It might be argued that Madison was too optimistic or that Washington was too pessimistic. Do either of our forefathers help us understand the ongoing threat to democracy that surrounds us today? The concentrated efforts—gerrymandering, voter suppression, voter subversion—in addition to violence and threats of violence.
The Republicans are not now, nor will they ever again be, a majority party. That’s neither spin nor hyperbole—it’s just nose-counting. Only 24 percent of voters nationwide are registered as Republicans. The last Republican presidents—George W. Bush and Trump—did not win the majority of votes but won the Electoral College. It is often reported that 80 percent of Republicans support something or other; 80 percent of 24 percent is 19 percent of voters—a small and non-persuasive number of voters. That does not mean Republicans do not want to win or do not want to rule. In a democracy, however, it is more difficult for a minority to rule. Why then would Republicans support a democracy? They no longer do.
There are fewer and fewer in the party like Liz Cheney who wants a party of principles and more and more like Ron DeSantis who want power at any price.
If Madison and Washington were here today, how would they advise us?
Violence, Madison wrote, “is the mortal disease under which popular governments have everywhere perished.”
We all know what Franklin said: “A republic if you can hold it.”
Hamilton feared that people acted far less often in a manner for the good of all than they acted selfishly. And yet…
Hamilton wrote, “There is a certain enthusiasm in liberty, that makes human nature rise above itself, in acts of bravery and heroism. The nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master and deserves one. It’s not tyranny we desire; it’s a just, limited, federal government.”
Madison agreed with Hamilton, “Equal laws protecting equal rights [are] the best guarantee of loyalty and love of country.”
As the mid-term elections approach, let us hope so. Let us hope for a repeat of 2020 wherein more people voted than ever before; more people voted for a defender of democracy, Joe Biden, than for any president before him. 81,000,000 people stood together, stood in line, stood up for love of our democratic country. If we lose one, we lose it all. Let us hope.
